WHY DO FOLKS KEEP VOTING FOR SHITTY LEADERS WHO DON’T CARE ABOUT YOU (AND ESPECIALLY COMMUNITIES OF COLOR), YOU KNOW FOLKS LIKE DEBLASIO, KATZ, COMRIE, MEEKS, COOK AND A WHOLE SHITLOAD OF OTHERS

Useless do nothing Senator Leroy Comrie

WHY do people fall for all the bullshit from elected officials in this community of Jamaica, this borough of Queens and this city of NY. WHY? Isn’t it obvious that they DO NOT GIVE  A SHIT ABOUT YOU. Especially working class folks and people of color. I mean if they really did care, would  they have put a poisonous polluting waste facility (ROYAL WASTE) smack in the middle of downtown Jamaica where thousands of families live, including babies, children and the elderly and directly across from Detective Keith Williams Park.

Royal Waste comprises the entire blue rectangle. As can be seen thousands of homes and a park are at risk.

Would the asshole leaders and city agencies allow large trucks to drive illegally on residential streets (especially in communities of color) for years and decades, even despite this asshole mayor dumblasio and his failed VISION ZERO, which pretty much sums up his administration and his policies.

TOTALLY FUCKING ILLEGAL & DANGEROUS. Watch crossing the streets tourists. Such trucks come from Royal Waste Services.

Would they allow streets and roads to fall into such major disrepair that one takes his or her life every time they drive a car, ride a  bike or cross a street.

WHY do folks believe all the bullshit hype and lies from folks like DeBlasio, Comrie, Cooks, Wills, Meeks, Katz and all the many other liars, crooks and do nothings.

I mean when was the last time any of these folks addressed your complaints or did they just fall on deaf ears. More than likely the latter. When did any of them ever walk around your communities (and not just the good parts) and talk to the people. When did they ever stand up for what is MORALLY RIGHT.

In the 2nd Daily News article below by Errol Louis is the line:

Part of King’s legacy, which today’s progressives should study and learn from, is that broad, diverse, media-friendly campaigns may be attractive — but there is no substitute for the gritty, nearly invisible local battles.

THINK long and hard about that one, especially communities of color, who ALWAYS get the short end of the stick.

—————————–

From The Daily News:

De Blasio’s Input Zero mayoralty shuts out community concerns

Grudging appearance

(Alex Rud)

For better or worse, every mayor is a role model of sorts. The current mayor’s habit of limiting questions from the media to a particular topic, and lecturing reporters when they stray, has trickled down to many of his top appointees and aides, including Transportation Commissioner Polly Trottenberg.

We are pastors and leaders of Metro Industrial Areas Foundation, and we had an experience in March 2014 with the then-newly elected mayor that foreshadowed this tendency. During the primary season, Metro IAF and the Daily News hosted three mayoral candidate forums for all the major contenders. In those events, we had asked the candidates if they would attend a major assembly within three months of their inauguration if elected.

All the candidates, including Bill de Blasio, readily agreed.

De Blasio won, and then his time came. By the night before the assembly at the Brooklyn Marriott, all 2,200 tickets were issued. An additional several thousand citizens were eager to attend but unable to fit into the ballroom. The mayor’s top community affairs appointee called and said that the mayor had decided not to attend.

We asked, “For what reason? Didn’t he remember the promise he’d made?”

“The reason is that you insist on asking the mayor questions,” the aide said.

We reminded the aide that we had already given the mayor’s staff the questions, which were, by our standards, softballs, and that there had been no concerns expressed by them.

 We told the aide that we would announce to the 2,200 attendees and to the world at large that the newly elected mayor had refused to attend because he had suddenly decided that he didn’t want to answer any questions.

“You wouldn’t do that,” the aide said.

“Don’t kid yourself,” we said.

An hour later, the aide called back and stated that the mayor would attend and would answer the questions in the course of his prepared remarks, but only if we agreed not to actually put him on the spot in real time.

We said, “No deal.”

The next afternoon, the mayor did show up. He was publicly asked the questions, and answered them grudgingly. That was the last time we saw him.

He has refused to meet ever since.

This is not about our egos as pastors. It’s about the people we represent. Metro IAF is the largest organization of congregations, schools and homeowners associations in the city. Time is our most important resource, and we won’t waste it on people in power who aren’t ready to show our families respect.

Now, fast-forward 30 months to Crown Heights, Brooklyn, where, outside Epiphany Lutheran School, mostly African-American and Latino elementary and middle-school students have to dodge speeding cars each day. There’s a speed bump in the street, but it’s so small that many delivery trucks fly past it on their way to deliver organic kale to one of many new boutique grocers.

Our clergy and lay leaders have tried to get Trottenberg to discuss our ideas for making this and a dozen other intersections safer. She’s refused us three times.

We believe the mayor and some of his commissioners have a set of unannounced programs: Input Zero. Engagement Zero. Reciprocity Zero.

Tuesday, we’re heading to Trottenberg’s to get a public commitment that she’ll meet with us. Only under the pressure of action and this writing did she finally offer to sit down. If she shows up, we’ll thank and recognize her.

The initial unwillingness to meet, listen and learn isn’t limited to Trottenberg’s team. New York City Housing Authority managers recently informed tenant leaders in some Brooklyn developments that they won’t meet with them as a group, only one by one. A sanitation chief told us that he’s not even allowed to talk to the public.

Thankfully, not all mayoral appointees are using the mayor’s imperial behavior as a guide. A few weeks ago, a dozen of us met with Police Commissioner James O’Neill and his top chiefs for 30 minutes at One Police Plaza. He was on time and respectful, and responded to all of our questions.

At one point, he chuckled, saying, “I know you guys. I remember going to your meetings in the South Bronx when I was the captain; my commanding officer hated going because you were so tough on him.”

O’Neill didn’t commit to everything we wanted but agreed to attend two assemblies within the next two months.

The conditions that are undermining our families today are different than they were nearly 40 years ago. Rising rents and weak city leadership are destabilizing our communities faster than arson ever did.

We’re ready and eager to engage with the mayor and his team to help arrest the tidal wave of gentrification before it swamps the entire city. We hope he and his commissioners start showing up.

Brawley, Lee and Gahagen are pastors and leaders of Metro IAF.

From The Daily News:

Martin Luther King’s lessons for today’s progressives

Marching in Memphis

(SAM MELHORN/AP)

This week’s anniversary of the murder of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — he was killed in Memphis in 1968 a day after delivering one of the most remarkable and uplifting political speeches in American history — offers important lessons for modern progressive activists.

Then, as now, progressives were grappling with tantalizing possibilities and tough choices. After more than a decade of leading a rural, church-based movement rooted in the Deep South, King was pushing to expand his civil rights crusade into a broader national campaign against entrenched poverty.

Many of King’s closest aides wanted to consolidate, protect and build upon the civil rights movement’s great successes — the 1963 March on Washington and passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act.

But King insisted on pushing for yet another march on Washington, dubbed the Poor People’s Campaign. “After Selma and the voting rights bill, we moved into a new era, which must be an era of revolution,” he told his top lieutenants at a retreat. “In short, we have moved into an era where we are called upon to raise certain basic questions about the whole society.”

Many of the aides called upon to execute the new, expanded agenda — including the Revs. Jesse Jackson, Andrew Young and Ralph Abernathy — knew the going would be tough and risky, and bickered with King, and one another, about the wisdom of writing new strategies into their civil rights playbook.

Traditional preachers, they were already grumbling about stepping out of their comfort zone, feeling their way from the moral language and imagery of the black church to attempt shaky coalition efforts with Chicano farmworkers, Lakota and Iroquois Native American activists, and white coal miners. President Lyndon Johnson, a critical ally of the movement who’d shaped and signed the key civil rights bills, abruptly announced on March 31 that he would not seek reelection to the White House.

And in the midst of all the uncertainty — including far from mundane organizational matters like fund-raising for staff salaries, constant travel and money to pay lawyers and bail out demonstrators — King drove his aides to distraction by deciding to back striking sanitation workers in Memphis.

The push offered little publicity value: The national media more or less ignored what looked like a parochial dispute.

“Why take us to Memphis, broke as we are?” one frustrated staffer asked King.

But King insisted on supporting the Memphis workers, men toiling for pitiful wages of $1.65 an hour and treated little better than the garbage they hauled.

“You know what? You have to escalate the struggle a bit,” he told the strikers. “In a few days you ought to get together and just have a general work stoppage in the city of Memphis.”

King shamed, pressured and cajoled national labor leaders and his own staffers to take up the cause, and entered an uneasy alliance with local toughs, a street gang called the Invaders, who refused to adopt King’s strict philosophy of nonviolence and caused chaos at one march by smashing store windows.

But the effort succeeded. King delivered the stirring, emotional “I’ve been to the Mountaintop” sermon at the historic Mason Temple in Memphis, his final public speech, climaxing with a prophetic shout: “I may not get there with you. But I want you to know tonight, that we, as a people, will get to the Promised Land!”

He was shot dead on the balcony of the Lorraine Motel the next day.

Riots followed in more than 100 cities — but in the end, the Memphis workers got better conditions and were allowed to form AFSCME Local 1733.

Part of King’s legacy, which today’s progressives should study and learn from, is that broad, diverse, media-friendly campaigns may be attractive — but there is no substitute for the gritty, nearly invisible local battles.

Those who want to honor King’s memory should look for, and commit to, another Memphis — a struggle, however difficult, to build human dignity and economic power for the nation’s forgotten.

Louis is political anchor of NY1 News.

 

 

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